A Nation Under God
Mother Jones, for those of you keeping score at home, is a left-of-center magazine. A Nation Under God is their coverage of a recent American Vision conference featuring (in)famous Alabama judge Roy Moore. In part ...
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Christian Reconstructionism pops up in the main-stream liberal media every now an then, mainly when the reporter deems it necessary to scare the crap out of liberals. After all, political movements need boogeymen. For the Right, it is the Godless, gay abortionist. For the Left, it is the Bible-thumping, greedy fascist. Of course, these personas are both caricatures and do little for real political discourse.
That said, the Godless should fear the Christian church, though perhaps not in its present form. To all the athestists, wiccans, pagans, etc.: It's not your government we want, it's your very mind and hearts and philosophies. They all must be shattered and brought into submission to the Lord Jesus Christ. The weapons we will use for the task are indestructible (NOT the sword, or legislation, or the Courts) ... they are love, compassion, grace and forgiveness.
Let others worry about the rapture: For the increasingly powerful Christian Reconstruction movement, the task is to establish the Kingdom of God right now—from the courthouse to the White House.
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Traditionally, groups like Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority were “premillennial”: They believed that humanity was inevitably headed for Armageddon, which would most likely arrive with a nuclear blast, whereupon Christ would appear in the Second Coming and set things right. “The debate was over whether Brezhnev was the Antichrist,” says the University of Georgia’s Larson.
Reconstruction’s alternative was “postmillennialism”: Christ would not return until the church had claimed dominion over government, and most of the world’s population had accepted the Reconstruction brand of Christianity. The postmillennial twist offered hope to the pious that they could change things—as long as they got organized. (Reconstructionists angrily denounce end-times visions like those of Tim LaHaye’s Left Behind series: If these are the Last Days, American Vision’s website points out, “then why bother trying to fix a broken world that is about to be thrown on the ash heap of history? Why concern ourselves with education, healthcare, the economy, or peace in the Mideast? Why polish brass on a sinking ship?”)
For premillennialists, Reconstruction’s revolutionary philosophy offered an opportunity to turbocharge the religious right. Most conservative churches opposed abortion, for example, but Reconstruction-influenced groups such as Randall Terry’s Operation Rescue were willing to field soldiers and take the fight to the enemy. This not only emboldened activists, it gave Reconstructionists a chance to spread their organizing message: If you want to do God’s work, this needs to be God’s nation.
Similarly, Baptist morality focused on personal choices, such as avoiding drinking. But Reconstructionists didn’t tell believers to shun sin. They said to conquer it, even if the price was jail or martyrdom. Paul Hill, the antiabortion activist executed two years ago for the 1994 murders of abortion clinic workers in Pensacola, Florida, had been a minister in the Reconstruction-dominated Presbyterian Church in America.
The old left—the Communist Party and its many splinters—used organizing tactics called popular fronts, in which people were recruited through specific causes into a movement tacitly guided by the Party. Reconstruction has married those Leninist tactics to the causes of the right—abortion, evolution, gay marriage, school prayer. Gary North wrote in 1982, in an effort to reach Baptists,“We must use the doctrine of religious liberty…until we train up a generation of people who know that there is no religious neutrality, no neutral law, no neutral education, and no neutral civil government. Then they will get busy constructing a Bible-based social, political, and religious order which finally denies the religious liberty of the enemies of God.” Nowhere at the Restore America rally did anyone hoist a banner for Reconstruction; those attending came to develop a united front supporting such things as displaying the Ten Commandments in public buildings. But they were also introduced—and recruited—to the broader program.
Reconstruction’s major impact has been through helping to found and guide cross-denominational and secular political organ-izations. The Council for National Policy—a group that holds meetings for right-wing leaders, once dubbed “the most powerful conservative group you’ve never heard of”—was founded in 1981 as a project of top John Birch Society figures (see “The Fountainhead”). Its members included Rushdoony, Gary North, Tim LaHaye, former Reagan aide Gary Bauer, and activist Paul Weyrich, who famously aimed to “overturn the present power structure of this country.”
Christian Reconstructionism pops up in the main-stream liberal media every now an then, mainly when the reporter deems it necessary to scare the crap out of liberals. After all, political movements need boogeymen. For the Right, it is the Godless, gay abortionist. For the Left, it is the Bible-thumping, greedy fascist. Of course, these personas are both caricatures and do little for real political discourse.
That said, the Godless should fear the Christian church, though perhaps not in its present form. To all the athestists, wiccans, pagans, etc.: It's not your government we want, it's your very mind and hearts and philosophies. They all must be shattered and brought into submission to the Lord Jesus Christ. The weapons we will use for the task are indestructible (NOT the sword, or legislation, or the Courts) ... they are love, compassion, grace and forgiveness.
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